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The ensuing conflict was fierce and bloody. Urban centers became battlegrounds, and the countryside witnessed skirmishes between ultranationalists under the banner of the Black Camp and government-aligned militias. After a few weeks passed, the tides began to turn.  The government's forces gradually gained the upper hand. While the Black Camp found their ranks dwindling. However, before the government would be able to quell the uprising, president Kôhl is pressured by the military high command and the radical right faction of the PUS to compromise with the Black Camp in order to prevent further bloodshed. After his refusal, president Kôhl is assassinated by a Black Camp agent while he was on his way to the Unionstag building. His successor, Äaron Féhr, is a member of the radical right. After a few days of discussions, Féhl and Popël came to a compromise, known as the Hérszëe Compromise. Popël and his men would be given amnesty over their revolt and would make the Black Camp a junior partner of the Party of the Union State, and in return Popël and his men use their influence over the Clashonian far-right to support the government's agenda.   
The ensuing conflict was fierce and bloody. Urban centers became battlegrounds, and the countryside witnessed skirmishes between ultranationalists under the banner of the Black Camp and government-aligned militias. After a few weeks passed, the tides began to turn.  The government's forces gradually gained the upper hand. While the Black Camp found their ranks dwindling. However, before the government would be able to quell the uprising, president Kôhl is pressured by the military high command and the radical right faction of the PUS to compromise with the Black Camp in order to prevent further bloodshed. After his refusal, president Kôhl is assassinated by a Black Camp agent while he was on his way to the Unionstag building. His successor, Äaron Féhr, is a member of the radical right. After a few days of discussions, Féhl and Popël came to a compromise, known as the Hérszëe Compromise. Popël and his men would be given amnesty over their revolt and would make the Black Camp a junior partner of the Party of the Union State, and in return Popël and his men use their influence over the Clashonian far-right to support the government's agenda.   
=== 1911 Käarylshäaben Mutiny ===
In 1911, sailors  and naval infantry of the Union State's Eastern Flotilla, as well as civilians, launched a large-scale insurrection against the Union State government in the coastal town of Käarylshäaben, led by Captain Héiner Piltsz of the SUN Dennerwélle. Many of those who revolted were members of the Eastern Flotilla and were originally sympathetic to the Union State's cause, but had grown disillusioned with the Union State following the 1907 Brandenburg Agreement and the compromise following the 1909 Black Camp Revolt.
The mutineers, believing the cause of the Union State had been hijacked by the Black Camp, as well as the general lack of support from the government to the average Clashonian people, decided to launch an insurrection against the Union State, lasting for 16-days. Union State forces, which were sent to suppress the mutiny, found the mutineers well-equipped, which caused heavy casualties. The mutineers would later declare the "Sailor's Republic of Käarylshäaben", with Piltsz as its ''de facto'' head of state and head of government. It formed a provisional government, as well as a legislature known as the Sailor's Guild to oversee government activities. It also operated a significant naval presence, as many of the sailors had sided with the mutineers.


=== 1912 Transclarve Uprsing ===
=== 1912 Transclarve Uprsing ===
The signing of the Brandenburg Agreement, which saw the readjustment of Clashonia's borders, was used as justification for the Transclarvians to seek self-determination of their territories. Led by the charismatic Markus Éhmann, the Transclarve nationalist and father of the more famous Érik and Jakob Éhmann, the Transclarvians rallied for self-determination of the Transclarve regions. Government forces were dispatched to


=== 1915 Weissersteiner-Clashonian border clashes ===
=== 1915 Weissersteiner-Clashonian border clashes ===
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The deal also swayed many Unionists to the banner of the Republicans, who were more than willing to continue the war. Members of the military such as Gustaf Sténmann and Heike Stark would also change their loyalties to the Republicans, as many in the military were unhappy with the peace deal. Surprisingly, among the Unionists who joined the Republicans was Colonel Martin Rotmann, one of the leaders of the 1904 Clashonian coup, which was vital to bringing the PUS into power.
The deal also swayed many Unionists to the banner of the Republicans, who were more than willing to continue the war. Members of the military such as Gustaf Sténmann and Heike Stark would also change their loyalties to the Republicans, as many in the military were unhappy with the peace deal. Surprisingly, among the Unionists who joined the Republicans was Colonel Martin Rotmann, one of the leaders of the 1904 Clashonian coup, which was vital to bringing the PUS into power.


The Royalist Clashonians were also dissatisfied with the peace deal. While Weisserstein gained a mandate over the territories, Clashonian royalists feared that Weisserstein would instead turn the General Government territories into clients and serve as a buffer state between Weisserstein and Clashonia. These fears were exacerbated when the Governor-General of Röngau and Vorgrüntal, Major General Johannes Fischbein, wanted to maintain the states as a defensive wall for Weisserstein's southern flank. Williem II in particular was unhappy with the decision, as he wanted to be restored to a unified Clashonia, not a buffer state in North Bannarsia. His refusal to accept the throne forced a regency council headed by Count Johann von Lettow-Ermhau and XXXX.
The Royalist Clashonians were also dissatisfied with the peace deal. While Weisserstein gained a mandate over the territories, Clashonian royalists feared that Weisserstein would instead turn the General Government territories into clients and serve as a buffer state between Weisserstein and Clashonia. These fears were exacerbated when the Governor-General of Röngau and Vorgrüntal, Major General Johannes Fischbein, wanted to maintain the states as a defensive wall for Weisserstein's southern flank. Williem II in particular was unhappy with the decision, as he wanted to be restored to a unified Clashonia, not a buffer state in North Bannarsia. His refusal to accept the throne forced a regency council headed by Count Johann von Lettow-Ermhau and Ferdinand vén Williemshâsen.


Despite subsequent peace negotiations were meant to occur, after the news of the armistice reached the parts of Clashonia outside of Weissersteiner control it sparked massive riots. The 1922 Clashonian coup d'etat by Republicans and dissolution of the Union State would force all subsequent negotiations to be scrapped.
Despite subsequent peace negotiations were meant to occur, after the news of the armistice reached the parts of Clashonia outside of Weissersteiner control it sparked massive riots. The 1922 Clashonian coup d'etat by Republicans and dissolution of the Union State would force all subsequent negotiations to be scrapped.

Revision as of 15:29, 21 October 2023

War of 1919

(From top to bottom)
Weissersteiner forces in the city of Williemsbode; Gunter-Stein Panzerwagen in the Luxemburg Front; General Šbécke with the 2nd Corps
Date29 June 1919 - 4 August 1923 (sporadic fighting continued until 1928)
Location
Result Armistice of Fryéndon (1922)
Armistice of Bérnberg (1923)
Treaty of Williemsbode (1926)
Belligerents

 Weisserstein


Clashonia (Pacifica) Royal Clashonian government-in-exile
Clashonia (Pacifica) Union State of Bannarsia and Transclarvia Clashonia (Pacifica) First Clashonian Republic
Commanders and leaders
Weisserstein (Pacifica) Friedrich Eugen von Wittelsbach
Weisserstein (Pacifica) Wilhelm-Alexander von Schwarzberg
Clashonia (Pacifica) Gothäart Brént
Clashonia (Pacifica) Klemens Šbécke
Clashonia (Pacifica) Falko Šnabel
Clashonia (Pacifica) Augustin Dréer
Clashonia (Pacifica) Héike Stark
Clashonia (Pacifica) Gustaf Sténmann
Clashonia (Pacifica) Kristof Šober
Units involved

Imperial Weissersteiner Army

  • 5th Army
  • 7th Army
  • 25th Army
  • 27th Army

Imperial Weissersteiner Navy

  • 1st Fleet

Royal Clashonian Army
  • 1st Corps
  • Royal Volunteer Legion


Aligned militias

Army of the Union State

  • 1st Corps
  • 2nd Corps
  • 3rd Mountain Corps
  • 4th Corps
  • 7th Corps
  • Kleinhart Jura Corps
  • Luxemburg Corps
  • Northwestern Corps
  • National Guard of the Union State


Clashonia (Pacifica) Black Camp
Navy of the Union State

  • Transclarve Flotilla
  • Eastern Flotilla

Clashonian Volunteer Republican Army

Clashonia (Pacifica) Republican Guard
Strength
Weisserstein (Pacifica) 1,758,000
Clashonia (Pacifica) 52,000
Clashonia (Pacifica) 3,884,800 Clashonia (Pacifica) 1,938,000

The War of 1919 (Alman: Krieg von 1919, Clashonian: Krig vén 1919) was an armed conflict between the Weissersteiner Empire and the Union State of Bannarsia and Transclarvia, which lasted from 1919 to 1923. The war started over territorial dispute, namely the territories of Blubach and Bischofgen, both of which had a zinc spar mine. The war brought the end to the existence of the Union State and saw the rise of the First Clashonian Republic.

Following the 1904 Clashonian coup d'etat, the Clashonian royal family, government, and military high command fled to neighboring Weisserstein, establishing the Royal Clashonian government-in-exile. Amidst the chaos of the coup, Weissersteiner forces move to secure the territories of Blubach and Bischofgen. Both territories were previously established as a condominium, but after the coup, the Weissersteiner government decided to incorporate the two territories into the Weissersteiner Empire. At the time, the Union State was unable to do anything due to their own precarious position, and the Union State was forced to recognize the annexation of the territories during discussions regarding the territories in mid-February of 1907, now known as the Brandenburg Agreement. This move angered many within the ranks of the Party of the Union State, namely its more hawkish members under the leadership of X, as well as angering many within the military, who saw both Blubach and Bischofgen as rightful Clashonian clay. The Brandenburg Agreement also gave rise to hopes of possible Transclarve secession, which culminated in the 1907 Transclarve uprising in May. The events of 1907 became a key turning point as more hawkish members of government began taking a more active role in both the military and governance, leading to X becoming the President-Minister of the Union State in 1908.

As time progressed, the Army of the Union State began drafting preparations to retake the territory since as early as 1910, citing its economic importance to the Union State. Defenses were constructed along the border with Weisserstein, namely in the areas neighboring to the Kingdom of Luxemburg. An incident in the border in 1915 nearly brought the two nations to war, but conflict was averted through diplomacy. However, the border clashes proved vital in escalating tension and sowing distrust among the two nations. The Army of the Union State began mobilizing its forces in late 1918 in preparation for the conflict, Weisserstein in return fortified its defenses in their shared border, known as the Schwarzberg Line. In the early hours of June 29, a false flag attack by Union State forces was conducted, followed by firing artillery shells on Weissersteiner positions, and on 8 AM, the Union State officially declared war on Weisserstein, citing the unjust annexation and the false flag attack on the Kleinhart Jura, as well as Weisserstein's support to the exiled Royal government, as the casus belli.

Background

Blubach and Bischofgen dispute

1904 Clashonian coup d'etat

While democratic reforms were slowly being introduced into Clashonia, many movements believed that true change can only be achieved with the removal of the monarchy. This led to the rise of several prominent anti-monarchist underground movements, whose goals are to dismantle the entrenched and autocratic monarchy. One of these movement was the powerful Unionists, represented by the Party of the Union State, who sought to establish a "Union State" or a "federation of equals" between the northern half of Clashonia (Bannarsia) and the southern half (Transclarvia), establish a much more egalitarian democratic government, and to remove the monarchy's entrenched influence from everyday Clashonian lives. This movement was quite popular, namely with Transclarve activists who sought greater minority rights.

Colonel Martin Rotmann, one of the leaders of the 1904 coup
Érik Késtenbôme, the leader of the Party of the Union State and the first president of the Union State of Bannarsia and Transclarvia

In 1904, members of the Party of the Union State, bolstered by sympathetic elements of the Clashonian military and Unionist militias, orchestrated the storming of the Clashonian Royal Palace and the Landtag building, sending the royal family and the government into exile. Elements of the military that were still loyal to the Clashonian Monarchy unsuccessfully attempted to quell the insurrection, which now spread to the countryside. The coup is led mostly by PUS leader Érik Késtenbôme and Colonel Martin Rotmann from the military.

Following the successful declaration of the formation of the Union State of Bannarsia and Trasnclarvia by PUS officials, a large-scale purge of all royalist elements from Clashonian society occurred. Many royalists, including the Clashonian royal family, sought refuge in neighboring Weisserstein, with hopes of possibly reestablishing their power once the time is right. This also led to the beginning of royalist insurgencies in Clashonia, fervently loyal to the deposed monarch anddriven by an unyielding determination to restore the eroded crown to its former glory. The militia operated in parts of Clashonia that is sympathetic to the monarchist cause, namely in the Kleinhart Jura, Bannarsia, and Central Clashonia.

After the coup, Clashonian society shifted in an unprecedented manner. Royalists were persecuted and many old symbols and images of the monarchy were removed from the public. Many prominent military generals decided to side with the Unionists, who saw their stance on defending Clashonia's territorial integrity as a vital point of interest for the military, in comparison to the monarchy's old stance of peaceful negotiations with Weisserstein. Despite this notion however, many fervent nationalists remained skeptical regarding Clashonia's experiment with democracy and sought to further their agenda in the political turmoil. The new Union State government found itself thrust into a precarious position of authority, tasked with the arduous responsibility of navigating the treacherous terrain of nascent democracy. Bereft of the entrenched structures and institutionalized support that characterized the monarchy, the republican administration grappled with the complexities of governance, seeking to forge a cohesive national identity while fending off the relentless onslaught of the resurgent royalists. The government's strength lay in its ideological underpinnings, rooted in the principles of egalitarianism and democratic representation, however its fragmented support base often led to internal schisms and strategic miscalculations in pursuing the government's agenda.

In the aftermath of the coup, king Williem II and what remained of the old government established the Clashonian royal government-in-exile, as well as maintaining an amy-in-exile, consisting of nearly 40,000 men. They continued to operate in Weisserstein up until the monarchy is restored in 1994, 90 years after the Unionist coup. The new government-in-exile gave their support to the royalist insurgency operating in Clashonia, which began a turbulent series of conflicts between Clashonian royalists and the Unionist, and later Republican governments. As time continued, the royalists would coalesce into a formidable opposition force, becoming a key problem throughout Clashonia's republican history. The royalist insurgents, adept at leveraging their intimate knowledge of the terrain and the support of sympathetic local populations, adopted hit-and-run tactics that confounded the newly-formed Army of the Union State. The royalists insurgents also recieved support, not only from the upper class and the nobility, but also from sympathetic and fervent loyalists from the working class and urban population.

The coup by the Unionists also had far-reaching consequences that extended beyond just the immediate power struggle. One of the most striking effects of the coup was the erosion of trust and unity between the radicals and moderates within democratic circles. The Unionist overthrow of the existing order disrupted the moderates' plans to usher in a Clashonian democracy through a series of well-considered reforms. The moderates had been working tirelessly to pave the way for a constitutional monarchy, aiming to strike a balance between democratic ideals and the traditional monarchical structure that had defined Clashonia for generations, and the coup effectively left all the moderates' efforts in shambles. The radical Republicans, whose influence had dwindled in radical democratic circles due to the coup, has also presented itself as an alternative and contender against Unionist rule. This dynamic sowed seeds of instability within the radical democratic circles as both factions vied for supremacy and the right to shape the future of Clashonia. The fragile status quo that emerged within democratic circles was marked by a precarious balance of power, with different democratic elements jockeying for position and influence, and the Unionists attempting to hold on to their fragile support base.

As their rule began, the Unionists began banning many moderate democratic parties, who they perceived as mere proponents of monarchical conformity, thus undermining the very essence of the Unionists' democratic vision. However, this only served to deepen the already severe discourse among the proponents of democracy in Clashonia. Many of these ousted moderates, feeling marginalized and betrayed, gravitated towards the now-deposed King Williem II, seeking solace in the remnants of the old monarchy. This exodus of moderates not only further entrenched the schism between the factions but also added an extra layer of complexity to the already intricate political landscape of Clashonia.

Annexation of Blubach and Bischofgen by Weisserstein

As political turmoil engulfed Clashonia, the Weissersteiner Empire sent several infantry units to secure the territories of Neutral Blubach and Bischofgen.

1907 Brandenburg Agreement

1909 Black Camp revolt

Amidst the outcry over the signing of the 1907 Brandenburg Agreement by many different factions, a plot was hatched in the shadows of discontent. The far-right Black Camp - National Revolutionary Organization (Švart Léger - Našionale Révolusionér Organisasiê), or simply the Black Camp, sought to exploit the discontent and political fallout of the Union State's concessions to the Weissersteiner Empire. The organization, formed mere days after the signing of the Brandenburg Agreement in 1907, was the largest and most powerful far-right Clashonian political opposition movement during the period of the Union State and well into the early years of the First Clashonian Republic.

Lothar Popël, commander of the Black Camp and key figure of the 1909 revolt

Central to the organization and a key figure of the revolt is Lothar Stefan Pöpel, a charismatic and extremist lawyer and politician from the town of Kléin Šäalberg. Under his leadership, the Black Camp became an organized political and social movement, far more professional in comparison to many other Clashonian ultranationalist organizations of his time. His success in shaping the organization into a well-organized far-right opposition group to the Union State regime also enabled him to have heavy influence over many of the smaller far-right organizations in Clashonia, which eventually merged with the Black Camp.

Under his vision, the Black Camp believed in Clashonian irredentism, and sought to regain their lost territories such as Blubach and Bischofgen from Weisserstein. He also envisioned a unified Clashonian ethnostate, where the differences between the northern Bannarsians and the southern Transclarvians are removed from Clashonian society altogether. This also meant he saw the other ethnicities within Clashonia as "foreigners" (Öosläanter) and were to be removed from the Clashonian nation. This included other Alman-speaking peoples who were neither Bannarsians nor Transclarvians.

In 1908, Black Camp agents began a series of clandestine propaganda operation, aimed at the current leadership of the Party of the Union State. This was followed by attempts to reach out to possible sympathizers within the governing regime, namely members of the military, to gain their support for a possible revolt. News criticizing the government and a massive hoax campaign against president Walter Kôhl ensued, which further ruined the government's already damaged legitimacy within the public eye. Popël had hoped that this widespread campaign would help sow the seeds of rebellion amongst the public against the government.

As autumn arrived, whispers of discontent spread through the streets of Käarylsbode. The Black Camp exploited both the ruling government's tarnished reputation and nationalist ferver of many Clashonians by stoking the embers of historical grievances. Their propaganda machine painted a grim picture of division, portraying the Union State leadership as weak and subservient to foreign interests. As a result, the government began cracking down against the Black Camp and arresting many of its members, such as the demagogue Lénnard Rûhle, and even placing an arrest warrant for Popël, which did not bore fruit.

Government troops securing the town of Säalbûrge

In late October, the situation escalated dramatically after the arrest of Rûhle. A series of coordinated attacks on key government installations sent shockwaves through the Union State. Disguised as ordinary citizens, armed militants stormed the streets of key cities such as Käarylsbode, Williemsbode, Guldinebûrge, and Guldinehâaben, demanding the release of arrested Black Camp members, the ousting of the current administration, and the establishment of a "Great Clashonian Empire" under the vision of the Black Camp. The government, taken by surprise, responded with swift determination. However, this response was hampered by the military, who were split regarding whether they should intervene, namely since many military commanders are sympathetic to the Black Camp's cause. Due to this, the government had began using government-aligned militias to help quell the uprising. The response was also hampered by sympathetic members of the Party of the Union State, namely those of the radical right faction of the party.

The ensuing conflict was fierce and bloody. Urban centers became battlegrounds, and the countryside witnessed skirmishes between ultranationalists under the banner of the Black Camp and government-aligned militias. After a few weeks passed, the tides began to turn. The government's forces gradually gained the upper hand. While the Black Camp found their ranks dwindling. However, before the government would be able to quell the uprising, president Kôhl is pressured by the military high command and the radical right faction of the PUS to compromise with the Black Camp in order to prevent further bloodshed. After his refusal, president Kôhl is assassinated by a Black Camp agent while he was on his way to the Unionstag building. His successor, Äaron Féhr, is a member of the radical right. After a few days of discussions, Féhl and Popël came to a compromise, known as the Hérszëe Compromise. Popël and his men would be given amnesty over their revolt and would make the Black Camp a junior partner of the Party of the Union State, and in return Popël and his men use their influence over the Clashonian far-right to support the government's agenda.

1911 Käarylshäaben Mutiny

In 1911, sailors and naval infantry of the Union State's Eastern Flotilla, as well as civilians, launched a large-scale insurrection against the Union State government in the coastal town of Käarylshäaben, led by Captain Héiner Piltsz of the SUN Dennerwélle. Many of those who revolted were members of the Eastern Flotilla and were originally sympathetic to the Union State's cause, but had grown disillusioned with the Union State following the 1907 Brandenburg Agreement and the compromise following the 1909 Black Camp Revolt.

The mutineers, believing the cause of the Union State had been hijacked by the Black Camp, as well as the general lack of support from the government to the average Clashonian people, decided to launch an insurrection against the Union State, lasting for 16-days. Union State forces, which were sent to suppress the mutiny, found the mutineers well-equipped, which caused heavy casualties. The mutineers would later declare the "Sailor's Republic of Käarylshäaben", with Piltsz as its de facto head of state and head of government. It formed a provisional government, as well as a legislature known as the Sailor's Guild to oversee government activities. It also operated a significant naval presence, as many of the sailors had sided with the mutineers.

1912 Transclarve Uprsing

The signing of the Brandenburg Agreement, which saw the readjustment of Clashonia's borders, was used as justification for the Transclarvians to seek self-determination of their territories. Led by the charismatic Markus Éhmann, the Transclarve nationalist and father of the more famous Érik and Jakob Éhmann, the Transclarvians rallied for self-determination of the Transclarve regions. Government forces were dispatched to

1915 Weissersteiner-Clashonian border clashes

Tensions between Weisserstein and the Union State would reach an unprecedented level in February 1915, when the Reichswehr and the Army of the Union State would fight a brief, undeclared 4-day war over Blubach and Bischofgen, which killed 184 and wounded 382 on both sides. This became known as the 1915 Weissersteiner-Clashonian border clashes or sometimes referred to as the Four-Day War.

Weissersteiner Reichswehr in the Weissersteiner-Clashonian border, 1915

The origins of the conflict remains uncertain. Some pointed out the operations of paramilitaries such as FARK and the Mountain Brotherhood against the Union State, while on the other hand the Black Camp conducted guerrilla campaigns against the Reichsgrenzschutze, the Weissersteiner Imperial Border Guards. This led to several border incidents, which only exacerbated tensions between both nations. Both Weisserstein and the Union State placed blame upon one another with regards to the border incidents.

On February 8, a shootout incident between Weisserstein's Imperial Border Guards and the Union State's military triggered a series of battles over the region. On February 9 the Reichswehr would launch an invasion of the Union State's territories around the two towns. The invasion would be portrayed as an attempt to secure the border by the Weissersteiner government. The Union State government retaliated by cutting ties with Weisserstein and drafting a war declaration. This was also supported by the new nationalist government of the Union State following the end of the 1909 Black Camp revolt, which sought to reclaim the territories lost to Weisserstein during the 1904 coup. Weissersteiner Reichswehr and Reichsgrenzschutze would exchange fire with Clashonian forces throughout the day. The largest single battle fought was the Battle of Léndénsz, where Weissersteiner forces occupied the town from Union State forces on February 10. This battle was the largest battle in the entire conflict, which saw the death of 24 Weissersteiner troops and 46 Clashonian troops.

Reichsgrenzschutze forces in a trench near the town of Léndénsz

However, the less radical portions of the Union State government attempted to diffuse the situation. Clashonian foreign minister Jannick Šonbéin would meet with Weisserstein's Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs Ernst Friedrich von Glücksburg in the town of Bad Salzdeck in an attempt to diffuse the situation and preventing it from a full-blown war. After a series of back-and-forth talks between the two, a peace treaty was drafted in February 12, marking the end of the conflict. The Weissersteiner Imperial government reiterated the Union State's obligation and concession in the 1907 Brandenburg Agreement, in which the Union State agreed to drop their claims with regards to the territories of Blubach and Bischofgen. After the signing of the peace treaty, both forces returned to the established borders.

Despite the peaceful resolution, both militaries became even more wary of a possible armed conflict between the two nations in the future, and began taking steps in preparing for another conflict over the disputed territories. Weisserstein would set up preliminary defenses in the border between the Kingdom of Luxemburg with the Union State, which would be enforced further following Clashonian mobilization in 1918. The decision to concede the territories also did not bode well with Clashonian nationalists, and Šonbéin was under pressure to step down from power. Äaron Féhr would decide to sack Šonbéin following the incident, but he did not discredit the Bad Salzdeck Agreement out of fear of possible Weissersteiner retaliation.

1918 Clashonian mobilization

Breakdown of talks

1919

False flag attack and declaration of war

Days before the war began, leader of the Black Camp Lothar Popël met with Generals Falko Šnabel, Klemens Šbécke, and Augustin Dréer to discuss preparations for the upcoming conflict between Weisserstein and Clashonia. During these meetings, mentions of a series of false flag attacks to pin the blame of starting the war on Weisserstein were brought to light by General Šnabel, who believed such attacks could possibly give the Union State's justification of war much more acceptable on the international stage. General Dréer suggested to Popël that his Black Camp forces disguise themselves as monarchist militiamen and initiate combat with Clashonian forces in the border to achieve the plans for a false flag attack. Popël agreed to the suggestion and began preparing his forces for the attacks.

Clashonian "Black Camp" militias

After the meeting between Popël and generals of the Army of the Union State, General Šbécke met with President of the Union State, XX. During this meeting, Šbécke informed XX regarding the possibiity of war between Weisserstein and the Union State and requested the President's approval for the military to begin preparations to engage Weissersteiner forces. XX gave Šbécke approval for all military operations moving forward. Plans for the false flag attacks was not given to any of the commanders in the front lines, as well as to the Union State's political institution, as General Šbécke believed that the operation would not run as smoothly if the information was relayed, and he distrusted some of the politicians in power.

On 27 June 1919, members of the Clashonian Black Camp militia would launch a series of engagements with Union State forces dubbed Operation Skylark, killing 2 Clashonian soldiers and 3 Black Camp militiamen. The next day, Union State officials accused Weisserstein of instigating a conflict between Weisserstein and the Union State before sending an ultimatum, demanding Weisserstein to demilitarize the Weissersteiner-Clashonian border, return Blubach and Bischofgen to the Union State, and to extradite the members of the Royal Clashonian government-in-exile, including all the members of the Clashonian royal family. Weissersteiner Foreign Minister Christian Graf von Bismarck did not heed the ultimatum however, which served as casus belli for a declaration of war. Clashonia would sever diplomatic relations with Weisserstein on June 28 and both countries begin stationing their forces along their shared border.

On the morning of 29 June, Clashonian artillery would begin bombing Weissersteiner lines, followed by small incursions between the Weissersteiner Reichswehr and the Army of the Union State. The Union State government would officially declare a state of war between Clashonia and Weisserstein on 08:00 AM, marking the end of the 4-year peace established by the Bad Salzdeck Agreement. Clashonian forces launched their first assaults to the towns of Blubach, Bischofgen, and Marchfelden. The attack on Blubach was successful and Clashonian forces captured the town from Weisserstein. The battle of Bischofgen was much more brutal, as Weissersteiner forces under Hauptmann Florian Friedberger refused to give up the town, which resulted in a fierce battle between the two armies. In the end, control of Bischofgen remained in Weissersteiner hands. The battle of Marchfelden ended in a similar manner, as Weissersteiner forces refused to give up the town. The battle ended in a Weissersteiner victory. In total, the Union State suffered 11,200 casualties from all three battles, while Weisserstein suffered a total of 8,200 casualties from all three battles.

Operation Kettle and offensive into Lowenia

Clashonian Model 1917 105mm howitzer during the Battle of Freihofen

On 30 June, Clashonian forces would launch a major offensive, codenamed Betréb Waserkokher (Operation Kettle), attacking the defenses through a newly-formed unit, the Luxemburg Corps, to push the Weissersteiners out of their defensive lines in the Schwarzberg Line. While successfully gaining grounds throughout the early weeks of the operation, the Luxemburg Corps failed to make the significant breakthrough that the Union State had expected. By the third month of the operation, the frontlines ground to a halt as Weissersteiner forces reinforced their defenses. Under the command of General Falko Šnabel, the forces successfully pushed around 68km into Luxemburg, capturing parts of the Schwarzberg Lines. However, due to logistical issues, the offensive failed to take any of its strategic goals.

General Falko Šnabel would be badly wounded by a stray artillery shell that exploded near his quarters and command was briefly handed to Major Héike Stark, who quickly ordered a shift of focus to the Kleinhart Jura. Clashonian forces began moving swiftly deeper into the Weissersteiner parts of the Kleinhart Jura. The offensive sought to capture cities around parts of Lowenia, namely the city of Brandenburg. This new offensive saw the reorganization of the Clashonian military, which eventually became the backbone of the new Kleinhart Jura Corps, whose focus would be entirely dedicated to the push into the areas of Lowenia. The renewed offensive saw better successes compared to the original push into Luxemburg, however the fighting in the Kleinhart Jura remained very fierce, with several major battles between the Kleinhart Jura Corps and Weissersteiner forces.

General Héike Stark

The first major battle in the second offensive is the Battle of Freihofen on 1 July, which saw Clashonian artillery pieces pounding Weissersteiner defenses in the town. The town was captured on the following day, which created an opportunity to push further into Lowenia and possibly threaten the city of Brandenburg. Clashonian forces would engage with the Reichsheer in the 1st Battle of the Sonzig, one of the tributaries of the Clarve river, on 3 July. The 1st Battle of the Sonzig ended inconclusively and both sides decided to rest. A second battle would occur for the Sonzig, which would prove decisive in determining the campaign's continuity. The 2nd Battle of the Sonzig was the bloodiest campaign up to that point, and saw Clashonian forces defeating the smaller, ill-prepared Weissersteiner forces. The capture of both the Sonzig and Freihofen opened the gates for operations deeper in Weissersteiner territory. For his victories, Héike Stark would be promoted into General.

Clashonian forces would push deeper into Lowenia after the defeat of Weissersteiner troops in the 2nd Battle of the Sonzig. Fighting would break out in the town of Oberfreizach on 5 July, and saw Weissersteiner defenders putting tough resistance to the Clashonian attackers, though due to numerical superiority, Clashonian forces would successfully capture the city on 7 July. The town of Marchmarkt also saw fighting on 6 July, around the same time fighting in the town of Oberfreizach were at its height. The town of Marchmarkt would fall on July 9, which opened the doors for an all-out offensive into the city of Brandenburg. Due to the failures in the defense of these territories, General Lothar Böhme, who was tasked with the defense of the Kleinhart Jura front, was dismissed by Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm II.

On 10 July, Clashonian forces would reach the outskirts of the city of Brandenburg. However, unlike earlier victories in Freihofen, Oberfreizach, and Marchmarkt, Clashonian forces would face much stiffer resistance in their assault on Brandenburg. The task of defending the line, and especially the city of Brandenburg, was given to General Hans Anton von Lettow-Ermhau, who replaced the earlier General Lothar Böhme after the latter's dismissal. The Battle of Brandenburg became the bloodiest battle of the operation, and was for a time the bloodiest battle of the entire war, and remained the bloodiest battle of the war in 1919. Despite the fierce assault by the Clashonian military, the Weissersteiner defenders successfully defended against the assault, halting Operation Kettle in its tracks. The battle lasted all the way up to 19 July, when Clashonian forces fall back to their earlier lines before the assault into Brandenburg. The successful defense of Brandenburg marked the first major victory for Weisserstein during the war, and the failure of the Clashonian military to capture the city would prove fatal as Weissersteiner forces began their counterattack.

Operation Thunderstrike and the Luxemburg Front

General Šnabel, now in command of the Luxemburg Corps of the Union State military, decided to launch a new offensive into Luxemburg codenamed Bétreb Denneršlag (Operation Thunderstrike). This strategic offensive into Luxemburg unfolded in the wake of General Stark's incursion into Lowenia, compelling Weisserstein to redirect their defensive resources towards shoring up the Lowenia Front. This shift in focus presented a distinct advantage for General Šnabel, as Weissersteiner forces in Luxemburg found themselves stretched thin, a marked contrast to the robust defenses they maintained during the initial stages of Operation Kettle. Seizing this opportune moment, General Šnabel initiated a calculated military thrust against the Weissersteiner fortifications along the formidable Schwarzberg Line.

Clashonian forces entering the town of Friedbrück

Clashonian forces swept into Luxemburg on 7 July, achieving a significant victory as they wrested control of the pivotal town of Friedbrück from the beleaguered Weissersteiners and pushing the unprepared defenders out of their defensive stronghold in the Schwarzberg Line. Union State forces would push deeper into Luxemburg, scoring several skirmishes before eventually reaching the outskirts of the town of Walsdings, a mere 12 km from Blubach, on 8 July. Weissersteiner forces offered token resistance, which led to Clashonian forces successfully capturing the town on 9 July, suffering minimal casualties. At this point in time, Weissersteiner forces in Blubach retreated before Clashonian forces are able to encircle the important town. This led to Clashonian forces successfully capturing Blubach, which boosted morale among the Clashonian ranks.

The momentum of the offensive continued unabated. On 12 July, Clashonian forces reached the town of Alswig, engaging the future Governor-General of the KWGvNB, Karl Joachim von Felsenhaus, in a fierce battle of wills and military prowess. In a surprising turn of events, despite the overwhelming might of the Clashonian forces, Von Felsenhaus displayed exceptional tactical acumen, managing to hold Alswig for an entire month before strategically orchestrating a retreat to the fortified enclave of Lenbrück. This success bought enough time for Weissersteiner forces nearby to be able to strategically regroup in Lenbrück and Altenmarkt, which would become the largest battles during Operation Thunderstrike.

Amidst the heat of battle on the fateful day of 18 July, Weissersteiner forces stationed in the town of Liesges clashed with a Clashonian spearhead force, heading there to eventually create an opportunity to push deeper. Under the command of Captain Joseph Buchmann, the Weissersteiner defenders put up fierce resistance against the incoming onslaught from the Clashonian military and resulting in a fierce standstill, effectively stalling nearly all offensive operations along the Luxemburg Front. As news of the success of the defense of Brandenburg rippled through the ranks, a surge of newfound determination coursed through the Weissersteiner forces. With a resolute spirit, they rallied against the Clashonians, mustering a renewed vigor that would ultimately culminate in the expulsion of the Clashonians from Liesges on 23 July. Though Liesges would eventually succumb to the relentless pressure in September, this defiant stand marked and end to all offensive operations in the area until the fall of Liesges.

Naval theatre

1920

Stalemate

Following the end of major operations due to the Clashonian defeat in the Battle of Brandenburg and Altenmarkt, both sides dug into their defenses in preparation for a protracted trench-style combat. With the end of both Operation Kettle and Operation Thunderstrike, no new offensives were conducted during the months leading to September 1920. During this period, Weissersteiner forces begin reorganizing and regrouping along the Luxemburg Front, with the goal of pushing the Clashonians entirely out of the Kingdom of Luxemburg. Meanwhile, the Clashonian General Staff remained confident that the Union State's military power would be able to overcome Weissersteiner defenders and drafted a plan for a renewed offensive, codenamed Operation Firefly under the command of Falko Šnabel, the commander of the Clashonian Northwestern Corps.

Soldiers of the Northwestern Corps relaxing near an armored train

Operation Firefly was launched on August 12, spearheaded by the Clashonian Northwestern Corps, with the main objective being the city of Altenmarkt. During the renewed offensive, Clashonian forces found their Weissersteiner adversaries had become much more powerful. During the offensive, Weissersteiner and Clashonian forces would meet in the city of Eisennau. The battle was fierce, and both sides continued back and forth well into September. However, the Clashonian 228th Rifleman Division made a miscalculation and Weissersteiner cavalrymen under the command of Klemens Kühn were able to successfully cut off the forces in Eisennau with the rest of the frontlines. The encirclement turned the originally offensive-oriented Clashonian military into a defensive one as Weissersteiner troops began closing in on all sides. After a full week of intense fighting, the 228th Rifleman Division surrendered themselves, becoming the first Clashonian forces to surrender during the war. The fighting for the city ended after the surrender, with Weisserstein suffering 3,500 casualties, while Clashonia suffered 12,800 casualties and an entire division captured as prisoners-of-war by Weisserstein.

During the battle of Eisennau, the Mountain Brotherhood under command of Héide Mâyer would launch a decisive raid in the Kleinhart Jura against Clashonian forces stationed there. In return, Clashonian forces conducted a raid on known Mountain Brotherhood strongholds. These series of engagements would culminate in a desperate assault on the Sonzig by members of the Mountain Brotherhood. This assault, which would later become known as the 3rd Battle of the Sonzig, would prove disastrous for the Mountain Brotherhood, and Héide Mâyer was killed in the firefight. The Mountain Brotherhood lost nearly 40% of its forces in the battle, amounting to about 6,400 casualties. Clashonian forces lost 4,580 men during the assault.

After the assault, the Mountain Brotherhood decided to retreat and reorganize in the Kleinhart Jura under the command of Kristof Martél, who turned the Mountain Brotherhood into an elite paramilitary unit. The Mountain Brotherhood under Martél refrained from partaking in any other engagements until Weissersteiner forces launched their first major offensive, Operation Stahlschlag, in late September, at which point their strength numbered at around 50,000 fighting men.

Operation Stahlschlag

Weissersteiner forces advancing with Panzerwagen GS in Bannarsia

Following the buildup of forces in the previous months, Weissersteiner forces would launch Operation Stahlschlag ("Operation Steel Punch"), which aimed to capture vital portions of northern Bannarsia, which would be spearheaded by armored units using the Panzerwagen GS tanks. Key objectives for this offensive included parts of the Transbannarsia Railway, strategic positions in the Kleinhart Jura, as well as the city of Williemsbode.

Weissersteiner naval victory

1921

Operation Burn Back

Republican rebellion

Operation Kleiner Schbeck

Weissersteiner troops entering Gréswik during Operation Kleiner Schbeck, with the iconic Gréswik castle being in the background

Following Clashonian failure in Operation Burn Back and the Republican rebellion, Weissersteiner forces launched Operation Kleiner Schbeck ("Operation Little Schbeck"). The main goal of this offensive is to exploit the chaos caused by Operation Burn Back and the rebellion. Weissersteiner troops, spearheaded the Weissersteiner 5th and 28th Army, alongside the Royal Clashonian 1st Corps, and supported by both superior artillery and air power, would capture many major cities in Bannarsia. The capture of the Transbannarsia Railway in the earlier Operation Stahlschlag would prove vital in transporting necessary troops and supply in a blitzkrieg fashion all across Bannarsia.

Command of the operation was given to Friedrich Eugen von Wittelsbach, an experienced military general and one of the proponents of using armored warfare in the Weissersteiner military. Weissersteiner forces would launch Operation Kleiner Schbeck on November 6, capturing several towns and cities along the Transbannarsia Railway. Troops, namely the 7th Army and the Clashonian Blue Legion, were also redirected to fully cut off the Kleinhart Jura Corps from the rest of the Clashonian military.

Weissersteiner forces moved swiftly in the offensive, routing their Clashonian adversaries throughout the offensive. Several major cities were also captured, such as the city of Gréswik and XXXX.

1922

Weisserstein occupation of Käarylsbode

Weissersteiner cavalry entering Käarylsbode

On January 27, Weissersteiner forces reached the outskirts of the Clashonian capital of Käarylsbode as part of Operation Kleiner Schbeck. This caused panic amongst the leadership of the Union State, who saw the fall of the city into Weissersteiner hands as inevitable. XX, the president of the Union State, as well as his cabinet quickly evacuated from the city the next day, which was followed by hundreds of civilians attempting to flee the impending battle. By January 28, Weissersteiner scouts engaged in skirmishes with units of the Clashonian military stationed in the city

Command of the defense of the city was given to YY, who recruited the help of local self-defense militias scattered all over the city. Makeshift defenses began to be constructed in and around the city as Weissersteiner forces began marching closer. The XX, the president's residence, was turned into a makeshift headquarters for the defenders, while the parliament building was turned into a temporary munitions storage and stronghold. At its peak, YY commanded a force numbering about 211,000 men, consisting of several different units and self-defense militias.

On January 29, Weissersteiner artillery would begin firing on the city, causing heavy damage. Despite the bombardment, the makeshift defenses hold. Weissersteiner forces began encircling the city, cutting Käarylsbode off from the rest of the frontlines. The 28th Army under Heinrich Graf zu Edelstein, spearheaded by the 108th Cavalry Brigade and supported by elements from the Royal Clashonian Army's 1st Corps, would later begin engaging the defenders of the city once Käarylsbode has been successfully surrounded. The battle for the city continues as Weissersteiner forces slowly pushed closer into the president's residence.

On February 4, YY met with Heinrich Graf zu Edelstein and officially surrendered the city to Weissersteiner forces after an intense week of nonstop fighting. The Weissersteiner flag was raised in the president's residence, marking the end of all offensive operations in the city. Despite the surrender, sporadic fighting between Weissersteiner forces and the self-defense militias continued well into February 12 before eventually surrendering on February 18.

The battle for the city was exceptionally brutal. Out of the 211,000 Clashonian forces in the city, 49,000 were killed or wounded, with the remaining 162,000 being captured. The Weissersteiner forces fared better, Out of the 135,000 Weissersteiner forces fighting in the city, only 4,500 were killed and only 7,000 were wounded. The battle marked the beginning of the end for the Union State of Bannarsia and Transclarvia, as the fall of Käarylsbode would help push the Union State government to begin peace talks with Weisserstein, which would culminate in the signing of the Armistice of Fryéndon.

Fall of the Kleinhart Jura pocket

The Kleinhart Jura Corps, commanded by Lénnard Švéfél, had been surrounded in the opening days of Operation Kleiner Schbeck, and were now encircled completely in the Clashonian portions of the Kleinhart Jura. Despite this, the Kleinhart Jura Corps continued fighting vigorously, namely in the 7th and 8th Battle of the Sonzig, sustaining heavy casualties. However, morale of the defenders collapse as news of the fall of the Clashonian capital of Käarylsbode reached them. In a desperate attempt to free themselves, Švéfél would launch one last assault, the 9th Battle of the Sonzig, which would end in complete disaster. The Kleinhart Jura Corps was nearly wiped out during the assault and eventually large portions of the unit surrendered to the Weissersteiner forces. Švéfél would commit suicide out of shame for his failures, while his second in command, Nikolas Êsenmann, would formally surrender what remains of the unit to the Weissersteiner Reichswehr. The Battles of the Sonzig were exeptionally brutal, and in total nearly 900,000 men lost their lives in the series of battles for the Sonzig river.

Armistice of Fryéndon

The success of Operation Kleiner Schbeck and the fall of both Käarylsbode and the Kleinhart Jura pocket brought the end of military engagements between the forces of the Union State with forces of the Weissersteiner Empire. On September 12, a Clashonian delegation made up of Major General Jan Krânts (member of the Clashonian Army Headquarters), Floréntin Kuttnêr (diplomat), and Adrian Kippêrberger (cabinet member), met with their Weissersteiner counterpart, General Friedrich Eugen von Wittelsbach, who was the commander of all Weissersteiner forces within Bannarsia, and Konrad Wehner, a representative for the royal Clashonian government-in-exile. The armistice was signed in the small town of Fryéndon, in Weisserstein-occupied Bannarsia, which was spared from most of the fighting.

The Clashonian delegates: Jan Krânts, Floréntin Kuttnêr, and Adrian Kippêrberger

The terms called for the immediate demobilization of all Clashonian military activities. It ordered the evacuation of the northern territories (Bannarsia), placed limits and restrictions to the size of Clashonia's military employment and required Clashonia to return military equipment that had been taken from the both Weisserstein and allied militias during the war up to that point. Weisserstein and its allies, the Royalist Clashonians, had the right to occupy some strategic points temporarily and to transfer troops over Clashonian territory. Weisserstein would also keep the 120,000 Clashonian POWs as prisoners until further discussions can be taken.

The status of Clashonia's government were to be discussed further in the subsequent peace deal, in its place were a series of General Governments established in Bannarsia. Namely the Imperial Weissersteiner General Government of North Bannarsia and the Imperial Weissersteiner General Government of Röngau and Vorgrüntal, which were to act as temporary buffer states until the restoration of the Clashonian monarchy occured. The Weissersteiner state also gained a mandate over the two General Governments, and was to oversee a transition from a military government to a civilian one under the Clashonian monarchy.

Despite the success of the armistice, many were dissatisfied with the outcome. The Unionists, and in fact many Clashonians who were not sympathetic to the monarchy, believed they had been utterly humiliated by signing such a peace deal with the Weissersteiners and that the treaty was unjust. Stéfan Sépp, the leader of the Clashonian republicans, stated that:

"This peace deal is disgraceful! Never in our history have we been so disgraced by a foreign power as we have now!"

The deal also swayed many Unionists to the banner of the Republicans, who were more than willing to continue the war. Members of the military such as Gustaf Sténmann and Heike Stark would also change their loyalties to the Republicans, as many in the military were unhappy with the peace deal. Surprisingly, among the Unionists who joined the Republicans was Colonel Martin Rotmann, one of the leaders of the 1904 Clashonian coup, which was vital to bringing the PUS into power.

The Royalist Clashonians were also dissatisfied with the peace deal. While Weisserstein gained a mandate over the territories, Clashonian royalists feared that Weisserstein would instead turn the General Government territories into clients and serve as a buffer state between Weisserstein and Clashonia. These fears were exacerbated when the Governor-General of Röngau and Vorgrüntal, Major General Johannes Fischbein, wanted to maintain the states as a defensive wall for Weisserstein's southern flank. Williem II in particular was unhappy with the decision, as he wanted to be restored to a unified Clashonia, not a buffer state in North Bannarsia. His refusal to accept the throne forced a regency council headed by Count Johann von Lettow-Ermhau and Ferdinand vén Williemshâsen.

Despite subsequent peace negotiations were meant to occur, after the news of the armistice reached the parts of Clashonia outside of Weissersteiner control it sparked massive riots. The 1922 Clashonian coup d'etat by Republicans and dissolution of the Union State would force all subsequent negotiations to be scrapped.

1922 Clashonian coup d'etat

Creation of the Géslër Line

1923

Sténmann Offensive

General Gustaf Sténmann

After the 1922 Coup, the new Republican government reorganized the Clashonian military. Command of the army was given to General Gustaf Sténmann, who sought to regain lost territories from Weissersteiner forces.

Stalemate

Armistice of Bérnberg

Aftermath

Treaty of Williemsbode

The Warlord Era

FARK insurgency